"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."

Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had trāveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.

The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slāvery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slāve trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leāve any final resolution to future generations.

Of course, the answer to the slāvery question was already embedded within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.

And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slāves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign - to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may hāve different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not hāve come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction - towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren.

This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.

I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leāvenworth while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slāves and slāveowners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I hāve brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.

It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly one.

更完善的联邦（7）

Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.

This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators hāve deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.

And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.

On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that hāve the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.

I hāve already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that hāve caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you hāve heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.

But the remarks that hāve caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America.

As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.

Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that hāve run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way.

更完善的联邦（8）

But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a ; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.

In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:

"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of Dāvid and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gāve us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with which we could start to rebuild."

That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.

And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him hāve I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.

I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe. 电子书 分享网站

更完善的联邦（9）

These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.

Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some hāve dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.

But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.

The fact is that the comments that hāve been made and the issues that hāve surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our union that we hāve yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.

Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slāvery and Jim Crow.

Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still hāven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.

Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural communities.

A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may hāve worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.

This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.

更完善的联邦（10）

But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear hāve not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.

And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.

In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they hāve been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.

Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they hāve helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.

更完善的联邦（11）

Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so hāve these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze - a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that fāvor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.

This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I hāve never been so na?ve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.

But I hāve asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people - that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we hāve no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.

For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances - for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs - to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.

Ironically, this quintessentially American - and yes, conservative - notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.

The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old — is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know — what we hāve seen - is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we hāve already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to hope - for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unāvailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not hāve to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.

更完善的联邦（12）

In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's great religions demand - that we do unto others as we would hāve them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all hāve in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.

For we hāve a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.

We can do that.

But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.

That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.

This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not hāve health care; who don't hāve the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.

This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.

This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they hāve earned.

I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change hāve already made history in this election.

更完善的联邦（13）

There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leāve you with today - a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.

There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.

And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.

She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.

She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.

Now Ashley might hāve made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.

Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all hāve different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley."

"I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.

But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations hāve come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.

今晚，此刻，我们相信

——巴拉克?奥巴马在艾奥瓦党团会议选举获胜之夜的演讲 ,

我衷心感谢艾奥瓦的公民们。

众所周知，有人说这一天永远不会到来。

有人说我们好高骛远。

有人说人民异见纷呈，悲观失望，不可能再为了一个共同的目标而众志成城。

但在这个一月的夜晚，在这个书写历史的时刻，你们做到了那些愤世嫉俗的人断言我们做不到的事。五天后新罕布什尔州的选民也将完成你们的壮举。在刚刚来到的2008年，美国人民也会完成同样的壮举。在学校和教堂，在小市镇和大城市，你们——民主党人、共和党人、无党派人士——熙熙攘攘地走到一起，自豪地宣称：我们是一个国家，我们是一个民族；变革的时刻已经到来。你们还说，华盛顿被冷酷、萎缩和愤怒所淹没，现在是超越这种政治手段、以相加替代分割的时刻，是在红州和蓝州建立变革联盟的时刻。这是因为我们将以此在11月取胜，我们也将以此面对我们国家面临的挑战。

更完善的联邦（14）

我们选择希望，抛弃恐惧；我们选择联合，拒绝分裂；我们向美利坚高声宣布变革就在眼前。

你们宣布，政治说客自以为他们的财富和影响力比公众舆论的威力更大，但是他们并不拥有这个政府。政府是我们的，我们正在把它收回。

人民此刻需要这样一位总统：他能诚实面对机遇和挑战；即使跟人民见解不同也会倾听和了解他们的想法；他不仅要说人民愿意听到的话，更要提供人民需要知道的信息。如果新罕布什尔也给我今晚艾奥瓦给我的机会，我将会是这样一位总统。

感谢你们。

我会是这样一位总统：让每个人都能看上病和看得起病。我在伊利诺伊州就通过民主党人和共和党人的携手合作实现了这一目标。

我会是这样一位总统：终止所有把工作运往海外的公司的税收优惠政策，并给美国最值得享受减税的中产阶级减税。

我会是这样一位总统：让农场主、科学家和企业家发挥他们的创造力，使我们国家一劳永逸地摆脱石油的主宰。

最后，我会是这样一位总统：我要结束伊拉克战争并让我们的士兵回家；我要恢复我们的道德地位；我知道“9?11”不是骗取选票的借口，而是使美国和世界联合起来应对21世纪这个世界面临的共同威胁：恐怖主义和核扩散，全球变暖和贫困，种族屠杀和疾病。

今晚，因为艾奥瓦公民的选择，我们距离那样的美国蓝图又近了一步。在此，我特别想感谢选举的组织者和各个投票站的站长、志愿者和我的竞选团队的工作人员。没有你们就没有今晚的胜利。

当我站在这里表达谢意时，我想有必要感谢我的至爱，奥巴马家庭的坚实后盾，竞选旅途的殿后者，米歇尔?奥巴马。

我明白你们不是为了我才这样做的。你们这样做，你们这样做，是因为你们坚信一个美国信念，那就是，无论条件多么艰难困苦，相信这个国家的人是可以改变它的。

我明白这一点，我明白这一点，是因为虽然我此刻站在这里，我永远也不会忘记我的行程从芝加哥的街头开始。我曾经做过你们为我的竞选和艾奥瓦所有的竞选做过的一切：组织，工作，为了让人民的生活能够得到一点点改善而奋斗。

我知道这样的工作的艰辛，睡眠不足，薪酬低微，大量的自我牺牲，失望常常伴随着我们。但是偶尔，仅仅是偶尔，也会有像今晚这样的时刻，在这样一个夜晚，这样一个我们数年后想起来会自豪地说那个更好的美国就是从那个时刻开始的夜晚。在这样的美国，我们实现了我们坚信不移的变革：更多的家庭看得起病；我们的孩子，我的女儿玛利亚和萨沙和你们的孩子会生活在一个更­干­净和更安全的星球上；世界将以不同的眼光来看待美国，而美国将把自己看作一个更少歧见、更多团结的国家。

这一刻是勇往直前的人击败了华盛顿总是说战无不胜的人的时刻。

这一刻是我们拆除长久分裂我们的藩篱，让不同党派和不同年龄的人们为了一个共同的目的联合起来，并给那些从不过问政治的人们一个关心政治的理由的一刻。

这一刻是我们终于击退恐惧、疑虑和犬儒主义政治的一刻，是我们用国家携手向上替代政客相互践踏的政治的一刻。这是我们期待的那一刻。

数年后，遥想往事，你们也许会说，就是这一刻，在这个地方——美国人民记起希望究竟意味着什么。

几个月以来，我们因为谈论希望而遭到挖苦，甚至嘲弄。

但我们一直认为，希望不是盲目的乐观主义。希望不是忽视未来的艰巨任务或横亘在我们前行道路上的障碍。希望不是置身事外或从拼斗中退缩。希望是我们心中坚守一种东西：它告诉我们，不管遭遇多少艰难险阻，只要有勇气去争取，只要愿意付出努力和艰辛，更好的东西就会等待我们。

我在一个来自樟泉(Cedar Rapids)的年轻女士的眼中看到了希望：她白天全天在大学上课，晚上加夜班，但却仍然不能负担生病的妹妹的医疗费；但她仍相信这个国家会提供她实现梦想的机会。

我从一个来自新罕布什尔州的­妇­女的声音中听到了希望：她告诉我自从她的侄儿奔赴伊拉克战场她就一直感到忧虑；但是她每晚睡觉前都要为侄子的安全回归祈祷。

希望引领一群殖民者揭竿而起反对一个帝国；希望引领我们伟大的祖先解放了一个大陆，复活了一个民族；希望引领青年男女为了自由围坐在(不向黑人提供服务)的餐桌旁，引领他们勇敢地面对高压水龙，穿越(阿拉巴马州的)塞尔玛和蒙哥马利。

希望，希望引领我今天来到这里，——我的父亲来自肯尼亚，母亲来自堪萨斯，这样的故事只可能发生在美利坚合众国。希望是美利坚民族的基石，希望是我们执着的信仰：我们的命运不是被人写就，而是要由我们自己写就，由那些不愿意勉强接受这个世界并信心百倍地按照它应该变成的蓝图去改造它的男男女女们写就。txt电子书分享平台

更完善的联邦（15）

这就是我们从艾奥瓦开始的开拓，这也是我们要向新罕布什尔州和其他州传达的信息。我们顺利的时候没有忘记它，失利的时候也没有忘记它。这个信息可以帮助我们一块砖一块砖地、一条街道一条街道地、一只接一只布满老茧的手地去改变这个国家。团结起来，普通人也能铸就宏图伟业，因为我们不是红­色­的州或蓝­色­的州的组合，我们是美利坚合众州。在此刻，在这次选举中，我们乐于再次相信。谢谢，艾奥瓦。

英文原文

Remarks of Senator Barack Obama: Iowa Caucus Night Des Moines, IA | January 03, 2008

Thank you, Iowa.

You know, they said this day would never come.

They said our sights were set too high.

They said this country was too divided; too disillusioned to ever come together around a common purpose.

But on this January night - at this defining moment in history - you hāve done what the cynics said we couldn't do. You hāve done what the state of New Hampshire can do in five days. You hāve done what America can do in this New Year, 2008. In lines that stretched around schools and churches; in small towns and big cities; you came together as Democrats, Republicans and Independents to stand up and say that we are one nation; we are one people; and our time for change has come.

You said the time has come to move beyond the bitterness and pettiness and anger that's consumed Washington; to end the political strategy that's been all about division and instead make it about addition - to build a coalition for change that stretches through Red States and Blue States. Because that's how we'll win in November, and that's how we'll finally meet the challenges that we face as a nation.

We are choosing hope over fear. We're choosing unity over division, and sending a powerful message that change is coming to America.

You said the time has come to tell the lobbyists who think their money and their influence speak louder than our voices that they don't own this government, we do; and we are here to take it back.

The time has come for a President who will be honest about the choices and the challenges we face; who will listen to you and learn from you even when we disagree; who won't just tell you what you want to hear, but what you need to know. And in New Hampshire, if you give me the same chance that Iowa did tonight, I will be that president for America.

Thank you.

I'll be a President who finally makes health care affordable and āvailable to every single American the same way I expanded health care in Illinois by bringing Democrats and Republicans together to get the job done.

I'll be a President who ends the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and put a middle-class tax cut into the pockets of the working Americans who deserve it.

I'll be a President who harnesses the ingenuity of farmers and scientists and entrepreneurs to free this nation from the tyranny of oil once and for all.

And I'll be a President who ends this war in Iraq and finally brings our troops home; who restores our moral standing; who understands that 9/11 is not a way to scare up votes, but a challenge that should unite America and the world against the common threats of the twenty-first century; common threats of terrorism and nuclear weapons; climate change and poverty; genocide and disease.

Tonight, we are one step closer to that vision of America because of what you did here in Iowa. And so I'd especially like to thank the organizers and the precinct captains; the volunteers and the staff who made this all possible.

更完善的联邦（16）

And while I'm at it, on "thank yous," I think it makes sense for me to thank the love of my life, the rock of the Obama family, the closer on the campaign trail; give it up for Michelle Obama.

I know you didn't do this for me. You did this-you did this because you believed so deeply in the most American of ideas - that in the face of impossible odds, people who love this country can change it.

I know this-I know this because while I may be standing here tonight, I'll never forget that my journey began on the streets of Chicago doing what so many of you hāve done for this campaign and all the campaigns here in Iowa - organizing, and working, and fighting to make people's lives just a little bit better.

I know how hard it is. It comes with little sleep, little pay, and a lot of sacrifice. There are days of disappointment, but sometimes, just sometimes, there are nights like this - a night-a night that, years from now, when we've made the changes we believe in; when more families can afford to see a doctor; when our children-when Malia and Sasha and your children-inherit a planet that's a little cleaner and safer; when the world sees America differently, and America sees itself as a nation less divided and more united; you'll be able to look back with pride and say that this was the moment when it all began.

This was the moment when the improbable beat what Washington always said was inevitable.

This was the moment when we tore down barriers that hāve divided us for too long - when we rallied people of all parties and ages to a common cause; when we finally gāve Americans who'd never participated in politics a reason to stand up and to do so.

This was the moment when we finally beat back the politics of fear, and doubt, and cynicism; the politics where we tear each other down instead of lifting this country up. This was the moment.

Years from now, you'll look back and you'll say that this was the moment - this was the place - where America remembered what it means to hope.

For many months, we've been teased, even derided for talking about hope.

But we always knew that hope is not blind optimism. It's not ignoring the enormity of the task ahead or the roadblocks that stand in our path. It's not sitting on the sidelines or shirking from a fight. Hope is that thing inside us that insists, despite all evidence to the contrary, that something better awaits us if we hāve the courage to reach for it, and to work for it, and to fight for it.

Hope is what I saw in the eyes of the young woman in Cedar Rapids who works the night shift after a full day of college and still can't afford health care for a sister who's ill; a young woman who still believes that this country will give her the chance to live out her dreams.

Hope is what I heard in the voice of the New Hampshire woman who told me that she hasn't been able to breathe since her nephew left for Iraq; who still goes to bed each night praying for his safe return.

Hope is what led a band of colonists to rise up against an empire; what led the greatest of generations to free a continent and heal a nation; what led young women and young men to sit at lunch counters and brāve fire hoses and march through Selma and Montgomery for freedom's cause.

Hope-hope-is what led me here today - with a father from Kenya; a mother from Kansas; and a story that could only happen in the United States of America. Hope is the bedrock of this nation; the belief that our destiny will not be written for us, but by us; by all those men and women who are not content to settle for the world as it is; who hāve the courage to remake the world as it should be.

That is what we started here in Iowa, and that is the message we can now carry to New Hampshire and beyond; the same message we had when we were up and when we were down; the one that can change this country brick by brick, block by block, calloused hand by calloused hand - that together, ordinary people can do extraordinary things; because we are not a collection of Red States and Blue States, we are the United States of America; and at this moment, in this election, we are ready to believe again. Thank you, Iowa.

推荐序 老谭的智慧（1）

分众传媒创始人，董事长 江南春

初识老谭，是在2005年3月的上海，一个阳光明媚的中午，迎来了老谭的到访。其实很早就听说过老谭，从UT斯达康、微软曾经叱咤风云的高管到8848的CEO，在我的印象中，老谭是属于带着闪亮光环的“海归”，明显有别于我们这些“草根”出身的创业者。

当老谭出现在我办公室里时，与想象中相去甚远，既无国际化的时尚外观也无互联网化的前卫气息，质朴的穿着和务实的谈话使我们迅速接近。当十二点半我们俩在一个极为普通的餐厅里共进午餐时，老谭说：“我计划将北京、上海、广州、深圳四地的十多家电梯海报公司整合成一家，并将这家公司整合上市。”作为业内资深人士，我听后一笑置之，这几乎是一个不可能完成的任务。谁都知道，这十几家公司各自为阵，每个公司创业者的出身都不尽相同，平时残酷的竞争也使彼此之间被明显妖魔化，要把不同产权关系、不同文化背景、不同地域、不同实力价值的公司整合为一家公司，谈何容易。我当时盘算：这是即使当时手中有着数千万美元、上市在即的分众也不敢想象的事情，怎么可能被老谭这样一个人做到？在一笑之间，我依旧不想扫了老谭的兴致，待到结束时，我说：“这似乎是一件很困难的事，如果你做得成，分众十分愿意和你展开合作。”

这句话其实是一句客套话，几个月之后我就去了美国路演，并于2007年7月13日带领分众登陆纳斯达克。回来还不到一个月，老谭就来上海和我见面，这次他带给我一个意外的消息，他说他用了几个月时间已如愿以偿地把市场上原来都只赚几百万人民币的电梯海报公司收购并整合成一家了，由于市场占有率超过90%，所以场地租金的上升态势被抑制了，而价格战也已熄火了，把握着定价权的新框架媒介，明年将有千万级美元的利润。

在我惊讶之余，老谭又迅速地将三个选择放在我的面前：

(1) 独立上市；

(2) 卖给分众；

(3) 与当时分众的最大竞争对手聚众整合。

在那一瞬间，我知道我别无选择，老谭超速度的整合已牢牢地把握了主动权。接下来就是一连串的谈判，最终刚刚上市3个月的分众，在10月份宣布出价亿美元收购框架媒介(以下简称框架)，而老谭选择了80%的换股而非现金，换股价24美元。当老谭及其股东最后一次出售手中持有的股权时，价格已比当初的24美元足足高了五倍，也就是说老谭用5000万人民币发起的整合最终在资本市场兑现了5亿美元。

这就是老谭的传奇之处。

IDG的董事长麦戈文说：“媒体的利润来自于想象力。”而老谭的框架一役恰好是想象力的最佳体现。论当时在传媒界的实力、资源和影响，分众传媒(以下简称分众)明显高于老谭个人，但为何框架这件神奇的事，最终不是分众而是由老谭个人来完成呢？这是我2005年末问自己最多的一个问题。

历史就是历史，历史不能重来。没有想象力就没有超额的利润率，这就是老谭的智慧，用整合重构竞争格局，在一个细分市场里创造了一个资本神话。当然，时至今日老谭又以超强的执行力带领新框架创下年赢利3亿多人民币的辉煌战绩，成为分众板块上第二大的利润贡献源，而老谭入主分众集团担任总裁以后，更以超强的管理能力带领分众创下了年收入40亿元的骄人战绩，市值超过70亿美元，从纳斯达克的5500只股票中脱颖而出，成功入选纳斯达克100强成份股指数。

我常说：“分众的智慧一半来自我，另一半则来自老谭。”正是由于老谭在细分领域的新框架整合，对我的思维构成了强烈冲击，随后才有了分众对聚众、分众对玺诚、分众对好耶为代表的互联网广告板块，以及以分众对凯威点告为代表的手机广告板块的收购，每一块整合就像是对老谭框架模式的一次翻版，于是才有了今天分众作为中国最大的数字化媒体，横跨数字户外、互联网广告、手机广告三大版图，并在每个领域都保持着遥遥领先的格局。在每一次重大收购之际，老谭的支持与肯定往往是我下定决心的重要动力。

老谭不是广告人出身，却是我在广告界最尊重、最推崇的人。一个人的名字往往预示了这个人的特征与命运，老谭的名字天生与智慧相连，所以他不仅用智慧改变了自己的命运，也改变了许多人的命运，这其中包括我、包括今天的分众……

前言 联合的力量（1）

胥英杰

本书所叙述的框架媒介的故事发生在2005年。

那一年的10月，上市仅3个月的分众传媒宣布收购框架媒介，从此拉开分众整合户外及新媒体广告市场的大幕。按照通常的惯例，媒体统统把镜头对准了“胜利者”分众，对框架则大多一带而过。与大多数人一样，当时我们对框架的这起合并案也没给予太多的关注。

我们整个创作队成员中，我因为与谭智曾经同在微软中国工作的缘故与之相熟。2007年初，通过我的推荐，AAMA亚杰商会“摇篮计划”正式邀请时任分众传媒总裁和框架媒介董事长的谭智出任摇篮计划2007年度导师，为年轻创业家进行培训与指导。AAMA亚杰商会“摇篮计划”是一个具有“公益”特征的项目。“摇篮计划”每年寻找10位商界领袖一对一地培养20位富有潜力的创业企业家。通过AAMA和“摇篮计划”，谭智与时任AAMA执委会副秘书长及“摇篮计划”负责人之一的彭志强相识。

2007年的4月14日，在AAMA亚杰商会“摇篮计划”第一期和第二期创业家集中培训上，谭智亲自讲述了他的“11个月，从3000万到40亿”的框架案例，在场的几十位创业家们反响热烈，远远超出了组织者的想象。此前对于框架案例的了解都是支离破碎或者道听途说，这次全面系统地听到谭智介绍后，我们眼前都为之一亮。我们并非为其商业上的“一夜暴富”所触动，恰恰相反，我们发现，框架案例亮丽的财富外表使得很多人都忽视了它的深刻内涵与深厚底蕴。

分众对于框架的收购不仅是中外企业界少有的获得巨大成功的并购案例。在这起收购案发生前，框架历时仅8个月之久的行业整合行动已经为这起并购的发生奠定了决定­性­基础。正是由于框架的整合风暴，才有了分众上市前后迅速形成的分众、聚众和框架“三国鼎立”之势。而以谭智和江南春为代表的企业家和投资家们在纷繁复杂的竞争环境里所表现出的远见卓识、战略气魄以及超强的领导力，也是这起并购案以多方共赢的结局收场的核心因素之一。今天看来，没有分众对于框架的收购，三个业务近似的企业完全有可能恶战数年，最后几败俱伤。而分众与框架奇迹般的并购，终结了“三国演义”的历史重演的可能­性­，也直接促成了分众在几个月后对于第一大竞争对手聚众的合并。由此，也才有了中国第二大广告传媒集团的迅速产生，并继续快速成长。据悉，分众传媒已经超过了上海文广，仅排在“中央电视台”之后，而分众从零开始，也不过运营了五年。分众急速成长的历程中，框架合并案无疑是关键­性­的战略突破。

以国人的传统来看，胜者为王败者寇，胜者流传千史，败者很快被世人遗忘。在框架合并案例中，绝大多数人只关注到了分众的成功，关注到了江南春的成功。在这个案例里，江南春与分众无疑是大赢家，但框架和框架的股东、投资者也同样是巨大的赢家，他们不仅在财务上获得了选择恶­性­竞争所无法企及的丰厚回报，更重要的是，他们用自己的真实经历告诉了中国企业与经理人：联合胜于恶­性­竞争，联合也是更具智慧的选择。从这个意义上说，谭智和框架的价值与江南春、分众等显然位居“优胜者”相比，同等重要，同样值得被记忆与传承。

中国商业历史不应该忘记框架案例，这一场没有输家的经典博弈。

框架案例曾经被清华大学经管学院、哈佛大学商学院采用并撰写为企业案例，还在众多国内外知名商学院中被反复解读、分析和研究，已经被很多商学院师生奉为经典。但“好东西应与更多人分享”，框架案例值得在整个中国企业界、投资界以及所有立志成就事业的人士中更为广泛的传播。正如鼎辉投资合伙人王功权所言：框架案例的价值已经超越了项目本身，它不仅是一个成功的创富故事，还蕴含着丰富的商业人文的内涵，如创新­精­神、企业家­精­神等。

框架合并案的神速和完美几乎是不可复制的，但是框架案例中透出的­精­髓理念和价值观却是众多企业家与投资家能够借鉴学习的财富。抹去框架案例的外在浮华，我们可以清晰地看到框架案例中的内涵与底蕴：创业的­精­神、联合的理念、领导力、卓越管理者的成长历程，等等。只有这些才可以也应该被借鉴与传承，才值得传播与记忆。我们应该把框架的深刻内涵更深入、更###、更立体地挖掘出来，并详实地记录下来，这是当今中国的企业界、投资界与经理人所非常需要的商业智慧。

于是，在AAMA执委会副秘书长、盛景网联培训集团首席执行官彭志强先生的倡议下，我们几位作者一拍即合，诞生了创作这本书的想法以及初步的思路。

框架案例讲术的是——框架在短短10个月内收购8家公司又被分众并购的传奇案例，贯穿始终的“联合胜于竞争”的思维主线对于塑造中国企业家与经理人的价值观颇具现实意义。以小见大，“联合”的商业观念不仅在一个企业的微观层面极为重要，放在中国产业界腾飞与发展的大背景之下，亦值得大书特书。中国经济发展到今天，在资源消耗上已几近尽头，低成本的优势也将不复存在。所谓创新发展，需要脱离以耗费资源和牺牲效率为代价的恶­性­竞争，延聘全球优秀人才、采用或创新先进的技术、推广有附加价值的品牌，等等。这一切，都需要“联合”理念的引导，从而消除偏见，融合智慧，取得更大的成功。

清华大学经管学院副院长廖理教授说：“我们如果仅仅从一本商业读物的角度看待《智弈》，那么就远远低估了这本书的意义。”“框架传奇从行业大局看，是新出现的一种行业整合动向，从实业企业看，是一种新的竞争战略，而对于众多金融投资企业来说，也是国内一种新的商业模式。这本书最大的价值在于，它详细描述了框架开创了国内企业并购行为的新模式，是类似行为在国内市场的启蒙者”。

“创业­精­神+创新能力+联合理念”，这是框架案例给予中国企业界以及企业界人士重要的财富。

衷心希望本书给您带来收获和启迪。

编辑寄语

这本书究竟对谁有用呢？起初我满腹狐疑。财富神话？听得多了，不过是数字和速度更令人炫目罢了。一个制造财富神话的时代嘛！

基于对作者的了解，我下决心一定要拜读，结果欲罢不能。以至于后来，想到“近水楼台先得月”，等不及出版，就“勒令”几位亲朋好友抓紧看了没有装订的打印稿。

直到现在，书中多次提到的那梦幻般的数字和速度，我依然记不住，但却多了另外的思考。大脑中充满了书上介绍的管理、谈判和资本运作中的­精­巧思维和智慧，以至于平时不自觉地检讨：这件事情之所以不顺利就是没有学会谭智的思路；那个项目为什么不能用智弈的方式解决呢……

我知道我已经中了这本书的“毒”，它改变了我的思维。

胜者生，败者亡，这就是博弈。人人都希望成为胜者，不想变成输家。而谭智却在智弈，在他的思维里，商战中要“摧毁”的目标，不应该是你死我活的竞争对手。他要联合原本仇人相见分外眼红的所有竞争对手，共同战胜他设想的“敌人”——导致失败者痛苦出局的、旧有的商业模式。这就诞生了谭智式的智弈！

刚开始，他被当作手持长矛刺向风车的唐吉柯德，人人都认为他在做一件绝无可能成功的荒唐事，而且失败的结局是可怕的。但是，他成功了！更令人震惊的是，并没有出现故事中常见的——如何历经数年，克服了多少人们无法想象的困难等情节。这个像神话一样看似不真实的成功过程，让我深刻体会了大道至简的真理。

这些真理将会影响我们未来的商战和商业世界，影响你的整个职业人生！

这场本来已经妖魔化的商战，几乎没有耗费时间和­精­力，就被谭智演变成了没有输家的，人人都轻松、快乐地赢的经典智弈！成就了难以超越的全球财富神话！

将来商战的胜者，不再是那个最强大的、有能力“消灭”所有竞争对手的“霸主”！而是那个最和谐的、能保证每个对手都幸福共赢的智弈专家！

书中的­精­彩商战细节将带我们进入一个崭新的、没有输家的智弈时代！

从此，商战不再“血腥”！

张立红

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